• Re: The importance of the Novermber Election

    From Nomen Nescio@21:1/5 to All on Sun Jan 5 00:02:54 2025
    XPost: alt.society.liberalism, nyc.general, or.politics
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    On 30 Jul 2024, Popping Mad <rainbow@colition.gov> posted some news:v8ah7d$ohj$3@reader1.panix.com:

    NY’s faux ‘abortion amendment’ is a sneak attack on parents’
    rights and free speech
    By Social Links forWai Wah Chin
    Published July 28, 2024, 6:59 p.m. ET

    54 Comments

    New Yorkers are set to vote on the controversial “Equal Protection
    of Law Amendment” in November.
    New Yorkers are set to vote on the controversial "Equal Protection of
    Law Amendment" in November.
    Michael Nagle/Bloomberg via Getty Images
    New York’s so-called “Equal Protection of Law Amendment” is
    headed for November’s ballot after a tortuous journey through the
    courts.

    On Friday, public comments on what will be listed as Proposition One
    closed, and the state Board of Elections moved to finalize its
    language.

    But as we can expect from Democrats — remember the deceptively named federal “Inflation Reduction Act”? — this “Equal Protection”
    law is anything but.

    The left is marketing Proposition One as critically necessary to
    protect abortion rights in New York after the Supreme Court’s 2022
    Dobbs decision.

    But contrary to the fear-mongering, Dobbs did not ban abortion: It
    merely reminded the nation that the Constitution says nothing about abortion’s legality — leaving states free to decide their own
    laws.

    And New York state needs more abortion protection like the Sahara
    Desert needs more sand.

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    New York enshrined legal abortion statewide with bipartisan support in
    1970 — three years before Roe v. Wade — and reinforced it more
    recently.

    Those state laws are not affected by Dobbs one smidgen.

    The truth is that Prop. One originated as Democratic Party red meat
    for the November election.

    Democrats learned that Dobbs alarmism really works to drive their
    voter turnout, especially with affluent white female liberals.

    It paid off beautifully for Gov. Hochul in New York’s surprisingly competitive 2022 gubernatorial race.

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    So for 2024, Democrats splattered proposals and referenda purporting
    to “protect abortion” on election ballots in more than half a
    dozen states nationwide, including New York.

    Here, though, Democrats took the opportunity to range far beyond
    abortion paranoia.

    If Prop. One were really about protecting abortion, one simple
    sentence would suffice: “Every individual who becomes pregnant has
    the fundamental right to choose to carry the pregnancy to term, to
    give birth to a child, or to have an abortion.”

    That’s verbatim from the state public-health law already on the
    books in New York.

    But this “abortion” amendment reads nothing like that
    straightforward sentence.

    Instead, it aims to add superfluous abortion protections — while
    making breathtakingly sweeping changes to state anti-discrimination
    statutes that have nothing to do with abortion.

    Prop. One’s Section A adds a whopping 11 new categories to the
    existing protections against discrimination on the basis of race,
    color, creed and religion.

    Only two of them touch abortion.

    But four of the new categories — sexual orientation, gender
    identity, gender expression and age — expand existing law to
    enshrine transgender minor “rights” in the state Constitution.

    Alert parents instantly recognize these code words for what they mean
    in our schools right now: The left is coming after our children.

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    So while parents in other states can still fight on school boards and
    in courtrooms against boys in girls’ bathrooms, against weak boys
    stealing sports medals from strong girls, against manipulative
    in-school “acceptance and belonging” lessons and more, New York
    parents will be powerless if Proposition One passes.

    Here, parents will have no recourse — and may actually be criminally
    liable for hate speech if they voice their objections.

    Meanwhile, Section B is the proposition’s knock-out punch.

    It says any and all of the discriminations banned in Section A are
    permitted if such discrimination is done to “prevent or dismantle” another discrimination.

    It basically adds to the state Constitution that much-ridiculed quote
    from racism trafficker Ibram X. Kendi: “The only remedy to past discrimination is present discrimination. The only remedy to present discrimination is future discrimination.”

    The section would institute reverse discrimination in any imaginable
    category — just fabricate some past discriminatory grievance, and
    voila, discrimination to “undo it” becomes legal.

    And the language is exceedingly broad, covering “any law,
    regulation, program, or practice” — so almost anyone in government
    can reverse-discriminate, unchecked and unopposable, via a “program
    or practice.”

    Examples? The sky’s the limit.

    A tax commissioner could exempt black New Yorkers from paying income
    taxes, as Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) has suggested.

    A district attorney could decide a case based not on its merits, but
    to correct for alleged past racial “over-prosecution” of others,
    along the lines of California Penal Code 745.



    A schools chancellor could eliminate the city’s race-blind,
    meritocratic specialized high schools, which have been falsely accused
    of past discrimination.

    Prop. One started out as a sordid electioneering ploy on abortion,
    then became a sleazy bait-and-switch — not about abortion, not about
    equal protection, but about destroying parental rights and free
    speech.

    And to top it all, it legalizes a cornucopia of reverse
    discrimination.

    Prop. One belongs in the trash heap of bad legislation — and in
    November, voters should toss it there for good.

    Wai Wah Chin is the founding president of the Chinese American
    Citizens Alliance Greater New York and an adjunct fellow of the
    Manhattan Institute.

    Who voted for Hochul?

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